Jahre nach dem ersten Angriff auf Wien versuchte es ein osmanisches Heer erneut. Ernten und Dörfer wurden vernichtet, Minen. Türkenbelagerung, zweite (). Ansicht Wiens während der zweiten Türkenbelagerung Osmanische Planzeichnung zur Belagerung Wiens , nach. Mai: Die osmanische Armee erreicht mit Mann und Geschützen Belgrad nach Überwinterung in Edirne. Sultan Mehmed IV. überträgt den.
1683 Der Bagel-Shop «1683» in Wien. (Bild: Ivo Mijnssen)
Mai: Die osmanische Armee erreicht mit Mann und Geschützen Belgrad nach Überwinterung in Edirne. Sultan Mehmed IV. überträgt den. Die Zweite Wiener Türkenbelagerung oder Zweite Wiener Osmanenbelagerung) im Jahr war – wie die Erste von – ein erfolgloser Versuch des. Türkenbelagerung, zweite (). Ansicht Wiens während der zweiten Türkenbelagerung Osmanische Planzeichnung zur Belagerung Wiens , nach. „Wie eine schwarze Flut“ überrannten die Christen die türkische Armee. Mit der zweiten Belagerung sollte Wien endlich für die Osmanen. Jahre nach dem ersten Angriff auf Wien versuchte es ein osmanisches Heer erneut. Ernten und Dörfer wurden vernichtet, Minen. ). 2 Karl Vocelka, Die Zweite Wiener Türkenbelagerung von und ihr. Reflex in der Wissenschaft, den Schulbüchern und Jubiläumsveranstaltungen. Der Sieg über die Osmanen prägte Wiens Geschichte. Als Name einer Bäckerei wirft die Jahreszahl aber Fragen auf, denn sie ist.
Die Zweite Wiener Türkenbelagerung oder Zweite Wiener Osmanenbelagerung) im Jahr war – wie die Erste von – ein erfolgloser Versuch des. Im Sommer belagerte das osmanische Heer unter der Führung des Großwesirs Kara Mustafa die Haupt- und Residenzstadt Wien. Bis zu „Wie eine schwarze Flut“ überrannten die Christen die türkische Armee. Mit der zweiten Belagerung sollte Wien endlich für die Osmanen.
When the failure results in displacement of yarns, the textile product will need to be replaced. Competent statistical assistance is recommended for the investigation of bias.
As a minimum, the two parties should take a group of test specimens from the same lot of fabric to be evaluated, which utilize a like seam assembly or standard seam assembly.
The test specimens should then be randomly assigned in equal numbers to each laboratory for testing. If a bias is found, either its cause must be determined and corrected, or the purchaser and supplier must agree to interpret future test results in light of the known bias.
Because sewn seam strength and sewn seam efficiency varies with each fabric, both of the standard seam assemblies, noted in Table 1 , should be used when comparing the seam strength of different fabrics.
Table 1 lists the default seam assembly specifications to be used for fabrics made with fine, medium and heavy count yarns. If a determination cannot be made as to which seam is the best suited for a particular fabric, all should be evaluated.
The breaking force of the seam and fabric will permit estimation of seam efficiency. This test method can be used as an aid for estimating seam strength for any given fabric.
See Practice D Her mother was eldest daughter of Daniel de Massue, seigneur of Ruvigny and of Raineval, and brother of Henri de Massue, first marquis de Ruvigny, some time ambassador at the court of Charles II; she was thus first cousin of Henri, the famous Earl of Galway [see Massue de Ruvigny, Henri de ; cf.
Lady Russell was born in , and was therefore Russell's senior by three years. She married, in , her first husband, Francis, lord Vaughan, eldest son of Richard, second earl of Carbery, and chiefly lived at Lord Carbery's seat, Golden Grove in Carmarthenshire.
In she gave birth to a child that died almost immediately; in Lord Vaughan died, and in the same year she lost her father, from whom she inherited the estate of Stratton in Hampshire afterwards her and her second husband's favourite residence.
In the early days of her widowhood she resided with her elder sister and coheiress, Lady Elizabeth Noel whose husband afterwards became first Earl of Gainsborough , at Tichfield in Hampshire; on the death, in , of her beloved sister and 'delicious friend,' she inherited this estate also, together with Southampton House afterwards called Bedford House in Bloomsbury Square.
Totteridge in Hertfordshire was another of her later residences. The political tendencies, as well as the religious sympathies, of the Wriothesley and Russell families were in general accord.
Russell was desirous of obtaining her hand in the first year of her widowhood. Their union May was from first to last one of unbroken affection.
Their elder daughter, Rachel, was born in January ; their second, Catherine, on 23 Aug. Russell was one of those members of the country party who, in Macaulay's words, were 'driven into opposition by dread of popery, by dread of France, and by disgust at the extravagance, dissoluteness, and faithlessness of the court.
When parliament reassembled in , intent upon a protestant policy at home and abroad, as well as upon the dismissal of all recalcitrant ministers, Russell 22 Jan.
In the course of the same session he made a savage attack upon Buckingham during the discussion of the proposal to remove him and Lauderdale from the king's presence and counsels.
Soon after the meeting of parliament April Russell moved an address for his dismissal, and on his demand articles of impeachment were brought in.
But the attempt, based on general charges of financial mismanagement and unconstitutional utterances, was defeated by Danby's cleverness in the management of votes.
Parliament separated in November, and did not meet again till February , when Russell's motion for an address to the throne to settle the nice question whether a prorogation extending over more than a year amounted to a dissolution was thrown out.
Early in he succeeded to the courtesy title of Lord Russell, on the death of his brother Francis, who, owing to a hypochondriacal malady, had long remained abroad and had never taken any part in active life.
The event increased his importance at a time when his party watched with jealous anxiety the conduct of the king and of his chief minister, without being able to see clearly into the policy of either.
While the Dutch alliance, following upon the marriage of the Princess Mary, favoured the prospect of a war with France, the king's designs were so closely suspected as to make it hazardous to vote him large sums on account of the war.
Thus, on Sir Gilbert Gerrard's motion for an address asking the king to declare war against France, Lord Russell carried a proposal for a committee of the whole house 'to consider of the sad and deplorable condition we are in, and the apprehensions we are under of popery and a standing army.
In the negotiations which ensued the whigs and the French king both aimed at overthrowing Danby and bringing about a dissolution of the existing parliament, Louis hoping to nip the Anglo-French war in the bud, the opposition leaders looking to the election of a house in which their views should prevail.
At the beginning of the Marquis de Ruvigny brother of Lady Russell's mother was sent over to England to manage the negotiation, as better acquainted with English affairs than Barillon, who had been accredited ambassador only a few months previously.
On 14 March Barillon reported that Lords Russell and Holies had expressed to Ruvigny their satisfaction with his assurances that Louis had no wish to make King Charles absolute, and was ready to co-operate towards a dissolution of parliament.
Russell, he further reported, had undertaken to work secretly with Shaftesbury for preventing an augmentation of the supply l,, l. In reply to Ruvigny's reference to the money he had brought with him for distribution among members of parliament, Russell observed that he would be sorry to have any commerce with persons capable of being gained by money, but he seemed pleased with this proof of the friendliness of the king of France, by whose aid the purpose of the opposition—the dissolution of parliament—could alone be effected.
Finally, Russell acquainted Ruvigny with his intention of taking part in the attack upon Danby, and of even moving against the Duke of York and all the catholics.
In a subsequent interview, after the subsidy had been granted without being openly opposed by Russell, he and Holles were reported to have adhered to their previous expressions, though in no very confident spirit.
In April Barillon wrote that Russell and Holles, as well as Buckingham and Shaftesbury, had urged that Louis must oblige Charles to declare himself definitively for peace or war cf.
Dalrymple , Memoirs , , ii. Whether or no Barillon whose despatches were correctly copied by Dalrymple was perfectly accurate in his language may be open to question; but as to the fact and purport of the negotiations reported by him no doubt remains.
The policy of 'filling the cup' against the court involved the whig politicians in clandestine dealings with the French king, who was, as they themselves untiringly proclaimed, the worst enemy of their country's independence; and, even while stooping to this humiliating policy, they were being made the dupes of the superior adroitness of Charles II.
The 'Popish Plot' agitation, which set in before the meeting of parliament in October , directed the efforts of the opposition to an attack upon the Duke of York.
An address for his removal from the king's presence and counsels was accordingly proposed by Lord Russell. In the ensuing general election Lord Russell was returned for two counties—an event then extremely rare—viz.
Bedfordshire and Hampshire. He decided for the former, for which he had been invited to stand not only because of local connection, but 'as bearing so great a figure in the public affairs.
Soon afterwards he was sworn on the new privy council of thirty, formed by Temple's advice under the presidency of Shaftesbury, without, however, being admitted into the cabinet April.
At first Russell restricted himself, both in the council and in the house, to advocating legislative securities against the possible proceedings of a popish successor.
On the outbreak of insurrection in Scotland May , he launched in council an attack upon Lauderdale, which the king contrived to ignore June.
The dissolution of parliament July raised to its height the popular excitement provided by the 'Popish Plot. He and Cavendish backed the bill of indictment of the Duke of York as a popish recusant presented by Shaftesbury to the Westminster grand jury June ; and when the new parliament at last assembled October , Russell identified himself with the policy of direct exclusion by moving that the house should proceed to prevent a popish successor, and 2 Nov.
The Exclusion Bill, backed at every stage by Russell's personal influence, passed its third reading on 15 Nov. Their rejection of it is apocryphally said to have made him exclaim that had his own father been one of the majority he would have voted him an enemy to the king and kingdom Oldmixon, cited ib.
With a similar, but as it proved less empty, flourish 'should I not have liberty to live a protestant, I am resolved to die one' , he supported the refusal of a supply for Tangier until the danger of a popish successor should have been obviated Wiffen , ii.
French intrigues were now again on foot; but Barillon's despatches of 17 May and 13 June not published by Dalrymple show him to have well understood the difference between the turbulence of Shaftesbury and the steady determination of the 'Southamptons,' as Russell and his associates including Ralph Montagu [q.
In the transactions connected with the execution of Stafford December , Russell bore a part explicable only by the conviction avowed by him in the paper delivered by him to the sheriffs at his own execution, that he had from first to last believed both in the reality of the conspiracy against the king, the nation, and the protestant religion.
He promised to exert himself in Stafford's behalf if the latter would 'discover all he knew concerning the papists' designs, and more especially as to the Duke of York' Burnet , Own Time , ii.
Echard History of England , ii. M[artin], ap. The rumour may be taken for what it is worth—that in the supposed overtures from the crown to the opposition, which occasioned the self-denying vote of the parliament of , Russell had been offered the governorship of Portsmouth see Clarke , Life of James II , , i.
In the Oxford parliament March he seconded the introduction of the Exclusion Bill, thus becoming largely responsible for that rejection of the king's terms which so largely helped to bring about a royalist reaction.
During the heyday of that reaction Russell for a time held his hand, but he maintained an understanding with William of Orange. When the prince came to London in July , Russell emerged from his country retirement to pay him a visit, and there can be no doubt that Southampton House continued the chosen meeting-place of the adversaries of the Stuart monarchy.
Yet Shaftesbury, who in his concealment was now projecting a final appeal to the revolutionary elements of protestant discontent, fretted at the hesitations of Monmouth and the caution of Essex and Russell Burnet , Own Time , ii.
It cannot be supposed that they were unaware of Shaftesbury's design of raising an insurrection in the city through agents more or less known to them.
But no reason exists for supposing Russell to have been cognisant of the desperate scheme for the assassination of the king and the Duke of York which some of the whig agents and their associates were simultaneously concocting.
Soon after this Shaftesbury fled to Holland; but meetings of his former agents continued to be held, in which the 'Rye-house plot' was matured.
A vintner named Keeling, having discovered what he knew of the plot to Lord Dartmouth and Secretary Jenkins, introduced his brother into the company of one of the plotters; the two spies swore that Lord Russell had promised to engage in the design, and to use all his interest in accomplishing the double assassination.
The privy council delayed proceedings against him till the king should have returned from Windsor to London, but a proclamation was issued for the apprehension of the obscurer persons involved, and two of these West and Rumsey quickly came in and confessed the 'Rye-house plot' June.
On the day of the king's return 26 June Lord Russell was brought before the privy council and sent to the Tower Luttrell , Brief Relation ,i.
During the interval he had declined to leave his house; but, on being arrested, he told his servant that he knew his enemies would have his life Lord John Russell , p.
With the instinct of affection, Lady Russell, as she afterwards wrote Letters , p. The few days intervening before his trial were devoted by Lady Russell to all possible preparations for his defence.
The trial of Russell for high treason took place on 13 July at the Old Bailey, where two obscurer prisoners had already been found guilty of a share in the new 'plot.
Lord John Russell , p. Lord-chief-justice Pemberton presided over the nine judges at the trial; the counsel for the crown were the attorney- and solicitor-general Sawyer and Finch with Sergeant Jeffreys, who was not wanting to his growing reputation, and Roger North, who in his 'Autobiography' ed.
Jessopp, refers to this trial as a special example of the fairness then, if ever, common in English courts of law. Ward, Holt, and Pollexfen were for the defence.
The jury consisted of ordinary citizens of London Luttrell , i. Scharf , pp. The presiding judge at first showed himself not unwilling to allow the prisoner a postponement till the afternoon; and, on Russell's asking for the assistance of a writer and mentioning the presence of his wife, Pemberton courteously invited her to act in this capacity.
Having pleaded 'not guilty,' Russell was accused of having joined in a 'consult' to raise an insurrection against the king, and of having in Sheppard's house concurred to that end in a scheme to seize the royal guards.